Thursday, February 12, 2015

Race and Swing in the 1930's

            Swing, more than just a style of jazz, was a distinct and influential period in the history of jazz music, as well as American history. This evolution of jazz occurred at an interesting crossroads; it was both on the edge of technologic innovation, while simultaneously on an economic precipice. Swing was beginning in pre-depression America, during the rise of the radio and was then shaped during the biggest economic downturn in the nation’s history. These factors in composite, lead to competition that brought race to forefront of jazz dialogue in the 1930’s.
            Radio, while being an amazing invention for the dissemination of music to most Americans, was a troubling dawn for musicians. Radio became the main mode of music listening for most Americans. “A single band could now entertain countless listeners through the magic of radio” (Gioia, The History of Jazz, p.127). It was this shift in the consumption of music that led to a mini-depression within the jazz community.  “As wages declined and musician unemployment rose, a dozen players could be hired for relatively little” (Gioia, p.128). This downturn lead to the big band style that ultimately became swing music.
            In the 1930’s, a few choice musicians were fulfilling the nation’s supply of jazz music. In this dynamic, the worst thing for jazz would be a mass influx of musician. This is exactly what the recession brought. Just as black musicians in the early 1900’s, more and more white people saw the music industry as a means to escape the lower, working class (Stewart). This forced blacks and whites to compete for the same gigs, putting them at odds and creating a conflict that was soon made about race.
            “Once again, as in other forms of labor, a vicious system keeps the Negro and white in competition, while the inevitable exploiters take advantage of their rivalry” (Swing Changes, p.64). The ‘vicious system’ was a collection of white individuals, mostly agents and radio producers that kept the black musicians and white musicians at odds. The black musicians were seen as superior in their performance of the music, the white musicians superior in all other aspects. This allowed white musicians to have great access to the newly developing middle class white youth market (Stewart).
            These factors molded jazz into an issue of race, and the way information was diffused hardly mitigated this. It was “a small coterie of young white men, typically from a privileged social backgrounds, exercised enormous influence in shaping America’s understanding of the swing phenomenon” (Swing Changes, p.52). It is hard for a group of young white men, in an increasingly tense depression-era America, to be unbiased while speaking on the issue of race. But not all in the white jazz community saw swing as a black versus white struggle.  Swing critic John Hammond said that, “’only by unity between Negros and whites will they be able to survive’” (Swing Changes, p.61).  Hammond believed that this competition between white and black musicians was allowing those who had the means of cultural production to profit from their struggle, while keeping the musicians down.
            Swing was not, and is not, inherently race dividing. Swings temporal proximity to the advent of radio and the great depression brought about a unique set of circumstances that had black and white musicians in competition for jobs, which radio was slowly making unwarranted. This competition was covered by a hardly unbiased, mostly white, press core, which exacerbated the issue of race. I believe, had swing somehow occurred 10 years either side of the 1930’s, race would not have been as prevalent in it’s literature.


Comment: Ethan Mendoza

Thursday, February 5, 2015

Chicago: Jazz Center of 1920's

           1920’s Chicago had a unique mix of social, racial, and economic climates that made it a very influential city in the history of jazz, I believe more so than New York.  Many artists, such as Louis Armstrong, played stints in both cities, but Chicago proved to be the most persuasive in the perpetuation and evolution of the jazz style, brought about by the economic, social, and racial attitudes of the Windy City.
            This influence began after World War I when a huge migration of blacks from the south occurred. The boom of mass production plants in Chicago catalyzed this exodus. The sheer volume of this relocation allowed for the proliferation of black culture in the north. Nightclubs like Royal Gardens and the Elite Club allowed black musicians like Armstrong, and Jelly Roll Morton to practice, hone, and display the craft that they learned in the New Orleans style. New York, on the other hand, did not share Chicago’s lenient racial policies. “Classy nightclubs on Chicago’s South Side never had a “for whites only” policy as Harlem’s Cotton Club did.” (An Autobiography of Black Jazz, p. 41)
            “It was in the small, ‘gutbucket’ cabarets in Harlem that the young musicians were able to exercise the skills in jazz-making which they were rapidly acquiring.” (The Best of Jazz, p. 102). The opposite was happening in Chicago. Jazz was spreading among and outside of the black community. The white musicians in Chicago, whether by imitation, appropriation or both, aided in the spread of jazz throughout American culture; “white musicians by the dozen would come out nightly, after they finished their one a.m. gigs at the big downtown clubs and hotels, to hear the new jazz being played at the Lincoln Gardens.” (An Autobiography of Black Jazz, p. 66).
            Chicago also influenced jazz in a negative way. The same clubs that allowed the spread and proliferation on jazz throughout Chicago inhibited the spread beyond its borders. The mobsters who ran these clubs, like Al Capone, did not take kindly to these jazz musicians taking employment elsewhere. “’My brother Al [Capone] and I decided we’re going to keep you boys working regularly, but you can’t work for nobody but us’”(An Autobiography of Jazz, p. 39) was a familiar contract to the jazz musicians of 1920’s Chicago.  
            Along with Louis Armstrong, Chicago jazz had many other notable alumni, namely King Oliver, Bix Beiderbecke (although his mature years were spent in New York), and the Austin High Gang, These artists, while different in background, training, and disposition, all spent formative artistic years in Chicago.
            Arguably the epitome of Chicago Jazz, Louis Armstrong’s Hot Five and Hot Seven recordings, were “very much in the mold of the earlier New Orleans’ ensemble.” “Surely no other body of work in the jazz idiom has been so loved and admired as the results of those celebrated sessions” (Gioia, The History of Jazz, p. 58, 57). While there are notable differences between early New Orleans jazz and this Chicago productions, the similarities in structure and style are too many to say that Chicago represents a clear, distinct new style of jazz.
            As influential as Chicago was, I argue that the “Chicago Style” of jazz is merely an evolution or extension of the New Orleans style. The features that were seen in the jazz coming out of Chicago, a prominent soloist and complex ensemble, are strikingly similar to the characteristics of New Orleans Jazz (Stewart).  The maturation of the musicians, as well as the influence of Chicago’s culture, lead to a slight stylistic change that some interpret as a completely new style. This is merely a progression of the relatively young New Orleans jazz.


Comment: Dalton Klock